Today, you can't be a member of the Tory establishment without endorsing Brexit, or the liberal establishment without lauding diversity. Such polarisation encourages extremism
newspapers, the arts bureaucracy and, increasingly, the legal profession. It is so metropolitan that the division between the two echoes the split between the Court and Country factions of the 17th and 18th centuries.
The Tory establishment’s most irritating tendency is to justify its actions as the will of the people—as if the leading light of Tory philosophy was Jean-Jacques Rousseau rather than Edmund Burke. The liberal establishment, meanwhile, thinks it knows what is good for people. The Tories see the man in the pub as a fount of wisdom; liberals increasingly think he is a bigot.
But there are many disadvantages, among them institutionalised irresponsibility. For both elites refuse to acknowledge that that is what they are, seeing themselves rather as heroic rebels. Mr Johnson thinks of himself as leader of an army of revolutionaries against what he calls “the blob”—that is, civil servants and anyone else who seeks to frustrate his will.
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