EXCLUSIVE: The FEC rejected a FOIA request—filed Dec. 20 by a nonpartisan research group that shared the documents on condition of anonymity—because those records may involve an active inquiry, according to agency records.
Fischer noted that he couldn’t see “even a remote connection between the Trump White House’s COVID response and the Trump campaign’s efforts to contest the 2020 election.”“We didn’t do any, like, recount work,” he told investigators in his interview.
But that came later. Initially, he said, 2M was brought on specifically to handle the COVID subpoenas. NARA, Clarke recounted, was swamped by the requests—sometimes tens of thousands of pages at a time—and “grateful” for the expertise of his team, which threw between five and 20 people at the work at a time, depending on volume. Clarke claimed that 2M landed the MAGA PAC contract via his pre-existing relationship with former Trump White House lawyer Eric Herschmann, who connected Clarke to Trump’s legal team after Trump left office.
House investigators keyed in on curiosities in MAGA PAC’s expenses to 2M, most specifically the way the company would often receive two payments on the same day—one large, one small. Clarke said that he had no real insight, chalking it up to unknown billing decisions within the Trump operation.
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