It's clear now that if “pro-worker conservatism” succeeds politically, working-class people will lose materially. EricLevitz writes
Marco Rubio, a stooge for management. Photo: Anna Moneymaker/Getty Images Throughout the second half of the 20th century, Americans with college degrees were more likely to vote Republican than those who lacked them. Today, the opposite is true.
For years, heterodox conservatives have argued that the dissonance between the GOP’s plutocratic policy priorities and increasingly proletarian social base was unsustainable. As corporate America goes “woke” and blue-collar voters move right, Republicans will eventually need to align their agenda with their rank-and-file’s material interests.
To its credit, Cass’s initial program acknowledged this reality. In his telling, company unions at the shop level would be complemented by adversarial, collective bargaining at the sectoral one. Which is to say: Representatives of workers and managers from across an industry would bargain with each other over the minimum compensation, workplace safety, and benefit standards that all employers in that sector would need to honor.
It would also likely have some real appeal to working-class voters. As the American electorate has polarized along lines of educational attainment, a political rift has opened up between the leadership of America’s unions and its more ideologically heterogeneous rank-and-file.
The Teamwork for Employees and Managers Act, co-authored by Republicans Jim Banks and Marco Rubio, represents the culmination of Cass’s project. And the legislation would do little beyond providing employers with a new union-avoidance tool.
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