Fifty years ago, George Wallace was winning Democratic presidential primaries. Gunfire ended his campaign but not the political forces he unleashed.
muttered behind closed doors, Wallace shouted into a microphone, often to the tune of the live country music acts that accompanied his chaotic rallies. His speeches were disjointed, mixing references to Alabama, Vietnam and whatever state he was campaigning in. But they consistently invoked
The fissures from which Wallace drew his energy — over race and crime, schools and families, visions of the country that looked to the future or to the past — still run through American society. And nowhere are they more evident than in the places that embraced the Alabama governor as a presidential candidate.
Holt watched as an arm rose above the crowd surrounding the governor and then descended in an arc, like the hand of a clock, followed by five cracking gunshots. Today, that ward is represented on the city council by Alex Burton, a 33-year-old administrator of a high school vocational program. Burton, who is Black and grew up in Evansville, has a master’s degree in public administration and calls himself a “history nerd,” volunteering some weekends at the city’s African American Museum.
Southwest Indiana has, since the time of Wallace, undergone a dramatic political shift. A region once held by the Democratic Party in a visegrip has become overwhelmingly Republican. The White Democrats captivated by the angry populism of Wallace are now White Republicans captivated by the angry populism of Trump.
“Evansville, for me, feels like the Sunken Place,” said Jennifer Martin, a Black teacher attending a February community meeting, referring to the nightmarish underworld in Jordan Peele’s horror film “Get Out,” a metaphor for the country’s history of oppressing African Americans. “It’s almost like we — the people who live in my community — we are literally in a box.”
its past. The deed restrictions that once barred Black residents from the city’s better neighborhoods have long since been deemed illegal, yet many African Americans still live on the same streets in Southeast Evansville where their parents and grandparents lived, in small bungalows and apartment blocks connected by flood-prone roads built over the lowlands of the Ohio River.
Evansville city council member Alex Burton watches sports at a local bar in his hometown, where Black people still feel marginalized. Burton knew his history. And he knew the name of the man who oversaw that brutality from the Alabama governor’s mansion, the same man who would later appear before an adoring crowd in downtown Evansville: George Corley Wallace.
Insam “Sue” Kattula was 3 years old when Wallace came to Halmich Park, but it wasn’t just her age that made her oblivious to his campaign.
But Kattula knew there was another bloc of voters crucial to Trump’s success. She saw them crowding the Sahara Restaurant on 16 Mile Road, sharing tea and speaking in Suret — a lilting dialect of the Aramaic spoken by Jesus. She saw them on Sundays through the haze of myrrh smoke that filled the nave of her church.
Supporters cheer as President Trump speaks during a "Make America Great Again Victory Rally" event in 2020 in Macomb County. In Sterling Heights, a suburb of 134,000 once nicknamed “Sterling Whites,” nearly a third of residents are foreign-born. The monumental Chrysler and General Motors plants that rise above Van Dyke Avenue now loom over pho shops, Albanian diners and bakeries selling more than 20 kinds of baklava.
“Honestly, I don’t want to go to a bathroom where a man pretends to be a woman,” Early said. “I don’t feel safe.”Kattula, 53, avoided the gazes of the signature-gatherers as she passed them in a traditional, olive-yellow gown and sequined sandals.
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