Israel is avoiding too clear an identification with NATO and Europe’s democracies in the face of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.
, which could become a potential rival in influencing Assad, and this arrangement is Russia’s ticket to accessing a Mediterranean port in Tartus.
“The U.S. is our very important ally, but since the civil war in Syria we have had to deal with the Russians, because they’ve become our neighbors,” Orna Mizrahi, a former deputy national-security adviser for Israel, who is now a senior research fellow at the Institute for National Security Studies , told me. “It is so important for us that Russia turns a blind eye to what we have been doing in Syria, acting against the transfer of weapons, the entrenchment of the Iranians.
What Lapid doesn’t ask—at least, not publicly—is whether Israel might stand more unambivalently against Russia’s impending occupation, by taking a more democratically pragmatic position regarding its own occupation. “There is no excuse for the government’s stance,” former Prime Minister Ehud Olmert told me. “There are times when you have to decide who you are, what you stand for. You can’t fool around; you can’t fool yourself.
Indeed, Lapid’s wobble regarding Ukraine is of a piece with his “centrism” at home, which reflects on the contradictions of the Jewish state. His government, anchored by his party, Yesh Atid, is “democratic, Zionist, and liberal,” Lapid told the yearly conference of the I.N.S.S., in early February.
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