A historic walkout against the Big Three automakers could shape the trajectory of one of America’s most politically salient regions, Dan Kaufman writes.
The crowd exploded, applauding and yelling. Mike Sawaya, whose family has worked at the plant for three generations, was leaning against the wall behind the lectern. He was eight years old when he first met Baumhower, in the same auditorium; he’d been so nervous that he spilled two plates of chili mac onto his lap. “Bruce let it rip,” Sawaya said. “This is what he’s known for.” Baumhower told me later, in his office, “It probably wasn’t a very professional speech—I just said the scam’s up.
paved the way for other similar agreements, most notably one that established permanent normal trade relations with China, facilitating its entry into the World Trade Organization, in 2001. Scott estimates that the ensuing trade deficit cost the United States nearly four million jobs, most of them in manufacturing, which tended to be more heavily unionized than other industries.
“the worst trade deal ever made” and boasted about having renegotiated it in 2018. He repeatedly emphasized the threat of electric vehicles. “For autoworkers, Biden’s forced transition is a transition to hell,” he said. “It’s a transition to unemployment.” The current strike was meaningless, he added, because “under Biden’s mandate the entire car industry will be packed up and shipped to China.” Though not many U.A.W.
, which nonetheless passed, 234–200. It was a bipartisan bill; a hundred and two Democrats and a hundred and thirty-two Republicans supported it. On the night of the vote, Kaptur said, corporate lobbyists were given a Ways and Means Committee room as an improvised headquarters from which to whip up last-minute support. At one point, she saw John Sweeney, who would soon be elected president of the A.F.L.-C.I.O., come in through a side door to the Capitol. No one paid attention to him.
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